The adaptation of the Frente Amplio and Uníos Perú
Faced with this, the emerging bourgeois sector with a parliamentary majority is going on the offensive by proposing a presidential vacancy, in order to take control of the executive and be able to negotiate under better conditions with the other bourgeois sectors. The majority sector of the center-left Frente Amplio, and Enrique Fernández Chacón of the group Uníos Perú (referenced internationally with the UIT-CI) remain attached to this bourgeois policy and end up voting for the presidential vacancy, thus paving the way for the rotten political caste in Congress.
The adaptation of Uníos to the bourgeois regime has to do, then, with its deep assimilation to institutional solutions, like the presidential vacancy, which have nothing to do with the independent mobilization of the working people and the struggle for a workers' government. This is closely related to his adaptation to the Frente Amplio. For that reason, and in spite of having made their rupture public, they ended up voting for the vacancy together, which led them to remain outside of the social mobilization against the parliamentary caste. This would lead to Fernández Chacón being harshly and massively criticized on social networks. The adaptation of Uníos to the FA and the bourgeois regime would be expressed again when Enrique Fernández, after the fall of Merino, voted for the Frente Amplio congresswoman, Rocío Silva Santisteban, for the presidency, in spite of the fact that she represented a list of bourgeois agreement that had as its objective to stop the social mobilizations.
On the other hand, the Frente Amplio's adaptation to the bourgeois regime of '93 is not new. Let's remember that, in 2016, they sent Pedro Pablo Kuczynski to vote in a second round and, since Martín Vizcarra became President of the Republic, they aligned themselves with him, arguing that in that way they were fighting against Fujimorism and preserving democracy. That is why they supported the 2018 referendum and the political reforms of the executive. Already with the new Parliament, and with the proliferation of the pandemic, they assimilated the call for national unity made by Vizcarra and closed ranks with the government. Thus, they remained silent in all languages when Martín Vizcarra imposed a set of measures from the executive against the working class, like the perfect suspension of work that stipulates suspensions without pay, the elimination of collective bargaining, or the measures of economic revival that only favored the bosses and contributed to making working conditions even more precarious.
And while a sector of the Frente Amplio and Uníos ended up aligned with the bulk of the corrupt caste in Congress, the parliamentarians Rocío Silva Santisteban and Mirta Vázquez - also from the FA and who voted against the vacancy - ended up promoting a unitary list together with the right-wing Morado Party, which has become the best instrument for replacing and oxygenating the bourgeois sectors grouped around the CONFIEP. The degree of assimilation of this other sector of the FA is such that Mirta Vázquez was part of the list headed by the current President Francisco Sagasti and, as a result, today she presides over Parliament, being one of the letters, together with Rocío Silva Santisteban, that the big media and the bourgeoisie use to try to decompress the discontent of the youth.
Lessons and perspectives that this process leaves us with
Even though the massive mobilizations, mostly of youth and with high doses of street fighting, ended up bringing down the illegitimate government of Manuel Merino, the fact that they have only prioritized the struggle against the political caste entrenched in the parliament led to the fact that after the Congress elected Francisco Sagasti as the new president, the forcefulness of these mobilizations entered a period of decline.
Great responsibility for this falls on the shoulders of the trade union bureaucracy that controls the main workers' centers in the country, like the General Confederation of Peruvian Workers, who belong to the old Stalinist parties (Peruvian Communist Party and Red Fatherland) that now form part of the electoral front Together for Peru led by Verónika Mendoza. They never dared to concretely organize their rank and file to implement the general strike against Merino's government and against the whole corrupt caste in Congress. In that way, they ended up oxygenating the bourgeoisie and allowing them to rearrange themselves from above, thus missing a great opportunity for the working class to enter the scene and put on the agenda its demands that confront the interests of the different sectors of the struggling bourgeoisie.
In spite of this, this process of social mobilization is installing in important sectors of the mass movement the discussion on the need to put an end to the 1993 Constitution and the current political regime through a Constituent Assembly. It is for that reason that Veronika Mendoza, of the reformist grouping Together for Peru, trying to take advantage electorally of this new political sensibility, has proposed that for the elections of 2021 a second ballot box be considered so that the voters can demonstrate whether they are for or against changing the Constitution. This proposal, however, what it really leads to is oxygenating a profoundly anti-democratic and pro-imperialist Constitution like that of 1993, which is already being questioned by social mobilization.
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