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What does leftist militia gear look like Anonymous 11/10/2020 (Tue) 20:20:46 No. 1117341 [Reply] [Last]
Greetings /leftypol/. The modern American right is infamous with their militia gear, and it all has that same unique and distinct style: >Skull bandana >Body carrying gear with a black sun on it >Hiking boots >Camo What does leftist militia gear look like? If you can, post an image similar to the image I posted.
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>>1121972 imo use anything you fucking want (be reasonable, no fursuits or cosplays) as long as you have the agreed on identyfying piece of gear (red bandana or something)
>>1148136 and work out, can't stress this enough, get in shape
>>1126219 >I feel like sholder holsters are only good for the aesthetics. Shoulder holsters allow you to draw faster and more conveniently than hip holsters, and they're better for carrying larger, full-size handguns. Plus, they're easier to conceal if you were a coat.
>>1126760 Without a license, that item will be confiscated by the People's Commissariat for Public Safety. Your IP has been logged and agents are being dispatched to your location.
>>1117341 Like americans larping.

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Direct Action Anonymous 11/23/2020 (Mon) 19:55:30 No. 1164072 [Reply] [Last]
I want to do things but all I can do is stand on the side of the street, give homeless people food and fix bikes. What can I do to effectively agitate the revolution and radicalize my friends and family? I need direct action tips.
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>>1164072 sexually assault a cop like those pussy riots grils
>>1164252 join an org
>>1169775 I'm Belgian and I've literally never heard of de Vrije Bond, I guarantee 99.99% of Belgians hasn't either.
>>1164112 comrade.....
>>1164072 Get involved in your community heavily, and learn how to help people directly, this is usually what they mean by join an org. Next, you must improve yourself. Learn new skills, and workout frequently if you are not poor nor inable-bodied. Next, read theory, im pretty sure asking any of these dudes for theory will get you an 85 book list, but just read the important stuff, the stuff that devellops identity and is pertinent to your situation, and that should help the most people. If you don't feel like reading, nor have the time, try and look at some good videos, look on the itg thread, or breadtube thread or what have it. Learn to learn new skills, learn to adapt. Fight for what's right, and learn what's right. Adopt sicence and marxist materialism. It should be at this point you should see self-actualization. The only part left needed is the knit sewing of a community. Learn mutual aid, and offer to help those who need help out. we are running low on time.

Why does everything about the USSR on Wikipedia cite fucking Robert Conquest as a legitimate source? Anonymous 11/18/2020 (Wed) 14:27:45 No. 1148240 [Reply] [Last]
Like, it seems quite interesting to me that all sources from any Marxist or anyone critical of the West is deemed “biased” or even “non-academic“ (for instance, fuckers say that science didn’t exist in the USSR and history didn’t either because “politics affected academics :) “ as if that isn’t the same fucking case in the West! Honestly the insane chauvinism if westerners makes me sick to my stomach, they’ll write about how scientific works and a Soviet historiography don’t even deserve to be considered actual scholarship, meanwhile novel length screeds about how the USSR is a nightmarish dystopian dictatorship where everyone lives in fear at all times and the sun never fucking shines doesn’t get a fucking sub-section denoting criticisms of their “scholarship”. It’s fucking sickening how the glowies just totally write reality in the minds of westerners, they live and breathe ideology and they can’t even see it
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>>1168030 bruh, do YOU have any sources for any of your claims?
>>1148240 Look at the article on Vickery. Holy fuck it’s pathetic. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Vickery Because they can’t disprove any of his research especially on the history of Thailand and Cambodia, they put all of his accolades and research reputation under quotation marks even though none of the presented sources showed such contempt. This is some next level glowie spite. The guy has been dead for only 3 years and they have already begun to deface him.
>>1168069 >>1168030 it's up to the one presenting a case to provide backing evidence. You claim that NK are "at least as bad as the south". We have source of SK killing communists and syndicalists or imprisoning random NK. We don't have any for NK (not that they never killed any opponents, but you have no evidence).
>>1169695 >You claim that NK are "at least as bad as the south". I said that in response to someone else claiming that DPRK is less bad than South Korea.

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State capitalism vs socialism Anonymous 11/21/2020 (Sat) 19:43:26 No. 1158419 [Reply] [Last]
There's this common belief that socialism is when the government does stuff, but there is at least one form of government activity that may not qualify as socialism: state capitalism. Here's an excerpt from Wikipedia's article on state capitalism: >State capitalism is an economic system in which the state undertakes business and commercial economic activity (i.e. for-profit) and where the means of production are organized and managed as state-owned enterprises (including the processes of capital accumulation, centralized management and wage labor), or where there is otherwise a dominance of corporatized government agencies (agencies organized along business-management practices) or of public companies such as publicly listed corporations in which the state has controlling shares.[1] Marxist literature defines state capitalism as a social system combining capitalism with ownership or control by a state. By this definition, a state capitalist country is one where the government controls the economy and essentially acts like a single huge corporation, extracting the surplus value from the workforce in order to invest it in further production.[2] This designation applies regardless of the political aims of the state (even if the state is nominally socialist).[3] Many scholars argue that the economy of the Soviet Union and of the Eastern Bloc countries modeled after it, including Maoist China, were state capitalist systems. They also argue that the current economy of China constitutes a form of state capitalism.[3][4][5][6][7][8][9] This is not to be confused with state monopoly capitalism, which Wikipedia describes as "an environment where the state intervenes in the economy to protect larger monopolistic or oligopolistic businesses from threats". With these things in mind, where do we draw the line between state capitalism and actual socialism? Is state ownership enough to qualify as socialism, or do we need some more things for an economy to truly count as socialist? Pic related is the logo for Sinopec, a Chinese state-owned oil company and a good example of state capitalism. As of 2019, it has the highest revenue of any state-owned enterprise in the world, and the second-highest revenue of any enterprise, private or state-owned (the first being Walmart).
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>>1158453 >instead of simply serving society So China isn't state capitalist
>>1163204 Chinese state-owned companies operate for profits. For example, Sinopec made about $6.8 billion in profits last year.
>>1163214 >Chinese state-owned companies operate for profits. Some do, some don't.
>>1161036 Very well written thanks gave me a bit to think about
State Socialism is when I like it, State Capitalism is when I don't like it.

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Co-ops Anonymous 11/18/2020 (Wed) 05:49:59 No. 1147397 [Reply] [Last]
What's wrong with co-ops they work pretty well, there's plenty of them and they do statistically better and are better organized
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>>1164563 the fact that unions don't generate work is exactly their weakness, it's why they can't take power, they're in an inherently subordinate position
>>1164677 If they don't expand, they get swallowed
isn't this what Richard Wolff proposes, basically?
>>1169668 yeah, though I think he's open to the idea of coop and state planning coordination, all done democratically of course
I think something similar to CNT/FAI "could" work. A federation of worker cooperatives, organized by a revolutionary party which actively maintains the political sentiment and action. The federation could eventually share resources and plan their little economy with cybernetic shit like dickblast proposes. Maybe I'm getting too idealistic, but I wouldn't mind seeing something like this.

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Listen Vaushite part 1: an anarchist defence of "tankies" Anonymous 11/17/2020 (Tue) 19:09:52 No. 1145495 [Reply] [Last]
>ITT I'm gonna release a series of small essays trying to retort to the points getting more and more popular within "breadtube" circles. This is the first essay in which I, as a Bookchinite, rebuke the Vaushites for trying to sow disunity between leftists. Enjoy. The way we approach the question of what socialism is, what it should prioritize and what should be done, is of grave importance. We have got to be smart, and cast away our biases and prejudices and look as objectively as we can at what can be learned from the socialist experiments of the 20th century. We must consider the the many different ways in which they were ran and what they accomplished. Nothing is gained from considering any one approach a ”failure” to be discarded; rather, any and all tendencies should be considered for their failures AND triumphs, and the approach for the 20th century ought be revised accordingly. This would be the scientiffic approach to our problems. It is from this perspective that I want to talk about a tendency within leftist politics that we have seen rise during the Trump presidency. The Kochinskiyite faction tries to be anti-sectarian and open to all leftists in as far it is possible; they are open to dialogue with most kind of leftists, even ones who aren't actually for socialism. However, this is mainly done by gate-keeping the left and keeping certain tendencies out. The Kochinskiyite will be quick to condemn ”tankies” and exclude them as fascists in a red coat of paint, and they will distance themselves from any movement donning red flags or hammers and sickles in order to make themselves more palatable to liberals. This is done out of two reasons; firstly, an aesthetic one, e.i. condemning people because of the belief that they will make the left look bad with their symbols. Secondly, it is done to condemn the merits of what Marxist-Leninists actually believe. They seem to believe that these positions inherently don't belong on the left. Now, whichever way you choose to cut it, this is a bad strategy. Are the New Afrika Black Panther Party suddenly not allies and a good leftist alternative to gangs in the black community, just because they like Mao and red flags? Are the ML guerilla fighters that fight alongside the SDF and YPG in Rojava suddenly facists, bound to betray the leftist movement in the end, because they believe in a vanguard party? Now, noone disagrees more with anti-revisionist Marxists than I do – I don't believe that their approach to building socialism is very scientiffic, considering the amount of data we have from the soviet experiments. These clearly demonstrate the neccesity of revision and the need for adaptation if the left is to succeed. Does that mean that I do not recognize Marxist-Leninists as allies and comrades? If you can excuse the blueness of my language: Hell no! We're in a sad state of affairs on the left is we actively cut out other leftists over the colour of their flags or what symbols they have on them, or even which way they want to achieve socialism. It will be an even sadder state of affair, if we ally ourselves with pro-capitalist factions over other anti-capitalist factions. This means that Kochinskiyism essentially is a centrist-seeking project that seeks to divide the left and purge unwanted elements over uniting them. The importance of lefty unity in the 21st century, however, cannot be understated. If we're to be effective at all, we must function as one united popular front occasionally entering into coalition with – note: not capitulating to – capitalist liberal parties. Leftist tendencies must not be understood to be exclusionary! Can we have a vanguardist party organizing and agitating for worker's power and also have communalist building dual power at the municipal level at the same time? Absolutely! Can we also have syndicalist unions doing activism through strikes and also have an electoral reformist party trying to alleviate the suffering of workers at the same time also? Absolutely! The way forward for the left must necessarily be multi-faceted, and try to not combat other tendencies to the furthest degree possible, thus creating a united popular front against the tides of capitalism and fascism that now threatens all of civilization as we know it. However, the Kochinskiyite, calling themself either a democratic socialist or even an anarchist, will call other tendencies of socialism ”sectarian”, most often the revolutionary kind and especially the Marxian varieties. This is often done by pointing at the revolutionaries' tendency to not trust social democrats. It is important to differentiate between social-democratic varieties, and Marxists sometimes forget to do that; the reformist Social-democratic worker's party fighting to alleviate the pressure of capitalism on the working class through moderate social service reforms is absolutely different from bourgeois reformist parties that try to paint a happy face on capitalism by doing the same. When that is said, revolutionary scepticism of social-democratic parties is not just sectarian refusal to cooperate.

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>>1148087 lmao that's the "you are valid" copypasta
>>1146256 >"Tankies" only exist in Western countries. I know some retard will reply with that image of "tankie" over a bunch of black Marxists but they're not tankies, just ML Yeah maybe because "tankie" is a meaningless buzzword?
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>>1146256 >they are not tankies, just ML given that they are used interchangeably and synonymously, you're wrong. COPE
>>1146256 at this point tankie is interchangeable with "ML who don't spout cia propaganda about ussr", or even just "ML"

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Anonymous 11/11/2020 (Wed) 01:04:55 No. 1119025 [Reply] [Last]
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https://twitter.com/redfishstream/status/1329190145707405317 Here shows thousands still protesting after the new President has been sworn in, can some Peruanon update me on this?
As a way to say bye to this thread, an analisis by some trots Social outburst and crisis in Peru Intense mobilizations shocked Peru. As a result, the illegitimate government of Manuel Merino was forced to resign after two students lost their lives as a result of brutal police repression. These days of struggle had not been seen since the fall of Alberto Fujimori. Although the appointment of the center-right Francisco Sagasti has succeeded in attenuating the mobilizations, what has been expressed by the social outburst shows the exhaustion of the current political regime and the predisposition to struggle of important sectors of the Peruvian people. This phenomenon is also part of the organic crisis that is being experienced in other countries of the region, which is leading to a return of the class struggle, conditioned now by the deepening of the economic and health crisis that has led to the proliferation of the Covid-19. Thus, for the second quarter of this year, the Peruvian GDP fell by 30.2%. For this period, the National Institute of Statistics and Information (INEI) reported that in Lima alone 2.3 million workers lost their jobs. In August and September, mining production fell by 11.2% and 12.2%, respectively. By the third quarter, the GDP had fallen by almost 9.55%. Meanwhile, the spread of Covid-19 continues to grow. Thus, to date, more than 35,000 people have died and 930,000 have been infected; this is in addition to the lack of personal protection equipment for health sector workers, as well as the increase in the price of medicines and the lack of medical infrastructure. All these structural elements make us foresee a scenario of instability. Vacancy as a trigger for social mobilization On November 9, with 105 votes in favor, 19 against and 4 abstentions, the Parliament vacated Martin Vizcarra due to his moral incapacity, using article 113 of the Constitution. The reason given by the parliamentarians to implement this measure was the evidence of corruption against former President Vizcarra, dating back to when he was governor of Moquegua, where he had received more than 2 million soles as a bribe for the construction of public works. On the same Monday night, hundreds of young people, mostly from the middle classes, took to the streets of the city of Lima questioning the decision of the Parliament, which led then-Congress President Manuel Merino to become president of the country. This parliamentary sector was already being heavily questioned by the population because of its links to corruption. On Tuesday morning, the young people mobilized again in the center of Lima and tried to reach the Congress facilities to reject the assumption of the new president. In the afternoon, the mobilizations became massive and spread to the rest of the country. On the night of Wednesday the 11th there would be a big mobilization of national character. From that moment on, the marches and protest actions would not stop until, on Sunday the 15th, Manuel Merino publicly announced his resignation from the presidency after the brutal repression of the previous day, that left two students murdered by the police, 94 wounded and many arrested. It is worth mentioning that, previously, most of his ministers had resigned and Luis Valdez, President of Congress, also announced his resignation and called on Merino to do the same. The youth was the most dynamic and numerous component of the mobilizations. Their anger was centered on questioning the corruption of the political caste that today controls the main powers of the State and especially the Congress of the Republic. Despite the fact that a business sector and some NGOs tried to direct the mobilizations towards the return of Vizcarra, the youth, shouting "neither Merino nor Vizcarra represent us," prevented it. This also prevented the mobilization from ending up co-opted; for this reason, spontaneity, self-convening and combativeness were maintained to the end, which converted these spaces of struggle into spaces of dispute that allowed other demands, such as the struggle to end the 1993 Constitution and to impose a Constituent Assembly, to be incorporated into the agenda of the demonstrators.

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The adaptation of the Frente Amplio and Uníos Perú Faced with this, the emerging bourgeois sector with a parliamentary majority is going on the offensive by proposing a presidential vacancy, in order to take control of the executive and be able to negotiate under better conditions with the other bourgeois sectors. The majority sector of the center-left Frente Amplio, and Enrique Fernández Chacón of the group Uníos Perú (referenced internationally with the UIT-CI) remain attached to this bourgeois policy and end up voting for the presidential vacancy, thus paving the way for the rotten political caste in Congress. The adaptation of Uníos to the bourgeois regime has to do, then, with its deep assimilation to institutional solutions, like the presidential vacancy, which have nothing to do with the independent mobilization of the working people and the struggle for a workers' government. This is closely related to his adaptation to the Frente Amplio. For that reason, and in spite of having made their rupture public, they ended up voting for the vacancy together, which led them to remain outside of the social mobilization against the parliamentary caste. This would lead to Fernández Chacón being harshly and massively criticized on social networks. The adaptation of Uníos to the FA and the bourgeois regime would be expressed again when Enrique Fernández, after the fall of Merino, voted for the Frente Amplio congresswoman, Rocío Silva Santisteban, for the presidency, in spite of the fact that she represented a list of bourgeois agreement that had as its objective to stop the social mobilizations. On the other hand, the Frente Amplio's adaptation to the bourgeois regime of '93 is not new. Let's remember that, in 2016, they sent Pedro Pablo Kuczynski to vote in a second round and, since Martín Vizcarra became President of the Republic, they aligned themselves with him, arguing that in that way they were fighting against Fujimorism and preserving democracy. That is why they supported the 2018 referendum and the political reforms of the executive. Already with the new Parliament, and with the proliferation of the pandemic, they assimilated the call for national unity made by Vizcarra and closed ranks with the government. Thus, they remained silent in all languages when Martín Vizcarra imposed a set of measures from the executive against the working class, like the perfect suspension of work that stipulates suspensions without pay, the elimination of collective bargaining, or the measures of economic revival that only favored the bosses and contributed to making working conditions even more precarious. And while a sector of the Frente Amplio and Uníos ended up aligned with the bulk of the corrupt caste in Congress, the parliamentarians Rocío Silva Santisteban and Mirta Vázquez - also from the FA and who voted against the vacancy - ended up promoting a unitary list together with the right-wing Morado Party, which has become the best instrument for replacing and oxygenating the bourgeois sectors grouped around the CONFIEP. The degree of assimilation of this other sector of the FA is such that Mirta Vázquez was part of the list headed by the current President Francisco Sagasti and, as a result, today she presides over Parliament, being one of the letters, together with Rocío Silva Santisteban, that the big media and the bourgeoisie use to try to decompress the discontent of the youth. Lessons and perspectives that this process leaves us with Even though the massive mobilizations, mostly of youth and with high doses of street fighting, ended up bringing down the illegitimate government of Manuel Merino, the fact that they have only prioritized the struggle against the political caste entrenched in the parliament led to the fact that after the Congress elected Francisco Sagasti as the new president, the forcefulness of these mobilizations entered a period of decline. Great responsibility for this falls on the shoulders of the trade union bureaucracy that controls the main workers' centers in the country, like the General Confederation of Peruvian Workers, who belong to the old Stalinist parties (Peruvian Communist Party and Red Fatherland) that now form part of the electoral front Together for Peru led by Verónika Mendoza. They never dared to concretely organize their rank and file to implement the general strike against Merino's government and against the whole corrupt caste in Congress. In that way, they ended up oxygenating the bourgeoisie and allowing them to rearrange themselves from above, thus missing a great opportunity for the working class to enter the scene and put on the agenda its demands that confront the interests of the different sectors of the struggling bourgeoisie. In spite of this, this process of social mobilization is installing in important sectors of the mass movement the discussion on the need to put an end to the 1993 Constitution and the current political regime through a Constituent Assembly. It is for that reason that Veronika Mendoza, of the reformist grouping Together for Peru, trying to take advantage electorally of this new political sensibility, has proposed that for the elections of 2021 a second ballot box be considered so that the voters can demonstrate whether they are for or against changing the Constitution. This proposal, however, what it really leads to is oxygenating a profoundly anti-democratic and pro-imperialist Constitution like that of 1993, which is already being questioned by social mobilization.

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The importance of fighting for a Free and Sovereign Constituent Assembly In order for the struggle for a Free and Sovereign Constituent Assembly to serve us to begin to change everything, we need to promote mobilization and workers' and popular self-organization, thus breaking out against the decaying regime of '93 that lays the legal foundations for this democracy of the businessmen that endorses the adjustment measures against the working people and excludes the big majorities from decision-making. A Free and Sovereign Constituent Assembly should have executive and legislative powers, and one of its first measures should be to implement an emergency plan that will make the consequences of this deep economic and health crisis no longer be paid for by the working people. Therefore, it should repeal all anti-labor and pro-employer measures in Vizcarra, as well as those approved by the previous governments, which are regulated by the Constitution of 1993. To put an end to the rotten political caste, in this Constituent Assembly the elected representatives will have to be able to be revoked if they fail to fulfill their commitments and earn as a qualified worker or a school teacher earns. This Constituent should establish that judges and prosecutors be elected by universal suffrage and win as one more worker wins. Impose a Constituent to nationalize our natural resources and the strategic companies linked to mining activity, which should be under the control of their workers and under the supervision of the organized working people, in order to have sufficient resources to allow us access to a quality public health and education system. In the face of the closure of the companies that threaten to leave thousands of workers without work, that these companies become controlled by their employees, and to create more jobs, we will fight for the imposition of the mobile workday and salary here. A Constituent that also puts an end to the lion's share of the interests of the banks, so that small agricultural producers and small merchants can have access to credit with zero interest, and for that to happen, nationalize the banks and foreign trade. It is to fight for these and other fundamental measures that we must impose a Free and Sovereign Constituent Assembly with the general strike, developing workers' and popular self-organization. Such a Constituent Assembly will not be born from new elections or a second ballot box, but from the ruins of the old regime of 1993. The struggle for a Free and Sovereign Constituent Assembly of this type will also contribute to the struggle for a government of the workers as a basic solution that will allow us to put an end to capitalist exploitation and advance towards socialism.
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Also today some people went to destroy the altars and murals in honor of Inti and Bryan. Looks like there is some upheval about the fist signs of a police reform.

The Proleteriat Can't Win Anonymous 11/24/2020 (Tue) 06:47:15 No. 1165460 [Reply] [Last]
They are utterly outnumbered. Let's go down the list of classes opposed to them: >The bourgeoisie >The petit-bourgeoisie >The lumpenproleteriat >The intelligenstia >The labor aristocracy >The police >The military and politicians It's hopeless.
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>>1168978 Oh you mean intert00bz normans a freakish and irrelevant minority Not actual normal people Who the fuck cares what normies think?
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We already eat seabugs, why are landbugs so much worse?
>>1168825 OP I can't help you understand anymore that, literally, workers out number the people in power. Just because they have more power (for now) Doesn't mean they out number us. Also, what is even the point you are making? This is stupid.
Who cares? The proletariat doesn't exist. Working class fetishism is IDpol. Read Baudrillard.
>>1168771 >But it is important to understand what is going on... Your post is a 10/10 history of 20th century burgernomics from a class point of view. >>1168825 Correct, the lumpen aren't the revolutionaries, but we can interfere in their exploitation and set some of the lumpen free from the property claims on them. >>1168970 The general form of keeping most humans captive and feeding them only what they need to produce has been around for much longer than that. Indeed, it may be a fundamental principle of civilization, if not its whole definition. >>1169587 >numbers You gamers keep wanting to play out some dramatic Hollywood pitched battle cut scene. You want to talk about numbers, gamerboy? Talk about FORCE MULTIPLIERS or neck yourself for larping.

/ltg/ - Liberation Theology General Anonymous 11/24/2020 (Tue) 19:08:12 No. 1166996 [Reply] [Last]
Considering the success of previous ChristCom generals, I thought I'd start a general for discussion of religious socialism in general, from Christianity to Islam to Buddhism to anything else in between. This is a place to discuss the long and complex relationship between religion and socialism, and how we expect religion to further evolve in relation to progressive struggles. Notable Liberation Theologians, religious revolutionaries, and general religious anti-capitalists by faith: Christian: John Brown Harriet Tubman Francis Bellamy Leo Tolstoy Dorothy Day Martin Luther King Jr. Gustavo Gutierrez Leonardo Boff Jon Sobrino Juan Luis Segundo Oscar Romero Camilo Torres Desmond Tutu

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>>1166996 Oh Shit I wasn't the one who made another religion general this time, wild. Word of advice, never argue with retards on halfchan about Islam, I've wasted far too much precious time with no results.
I'm kind of amazed that a Muslim made a thoughtful thread for Christians, even Muslim I've found online has just spread misinformation about Christianity to make Islam look better.
>>1169592 It's ok, despite both of our faiths having prejudiced retards, those of us with a deep understanding of theology can overcome that rivalry and reach a point of understanding. We are brothers of the book, after all, and we need to set aside the Bushes and Bin Ladens alike and actually move towards a sense of solidarity, not only between our two faiths, but with the progressive struggle as a whole. >>1169311 Quickly learning to do the same here, with half the posters thinking that Marxism inherently means we can't discuss or consider liberation theology from a materialist standpoint.
>>1168304 >Stalin gulag meme Go back
>>1168558 Siad Barre was also a pawn of US imperialism by the end of his rule, yet we still consider him important to the discussion of Islamic socialism. Personally, I despise Tenzin as well, he's a despotic puppet who just wants his theocracy back, but for the purposes of this thread, we can't just ignore that one of the major religious heads of our time has openly declared himself a Marxist.

Revolutionary War Anonymous 11/25/2020 (Wed) 13:49:53 No. 1169526 [Reply] [Last]
How do we approach the logistics of combat during the revolution? I have trouble imagining the proleteriat fighting modern mechanization; we're talking mass arming them with stinger missiles and the like. Will we need the military on our side?
Guerrilla war. Protracted people’s war. Read Mao


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